Holy Roman Empire

Not competing does not mean not participating in the competition. Even if one isn’t particularly interested, it’s still possible to join in just for the sake of it.

Given Austria’s current strength, no one can ignore it, and it will certainly receive its share.

Even without competing for colonies, Austria can still gain returns. By making concessions here, it can compensate for losses elsewhere.

The essence of international diplomacy is the exchange of interests. Wanting to take advantage without paying a price is simply unrealistic.

If all the benefits go to one country, how can others survive? If they can’t afford to confront you, they will avoid you altogether and choose not to play.

We are not in an era of one dominant power and no country can cover the sky with one hand. To avoid becoming isolated, it is best to adhere to the established rules.

Once the rules are broken, the biggest losers will inevitably be those who set the rules. This is because the rules are established by the creators to protect their own interests, and no one can guarantee they will dominate if a reshuffle occurs.

Coincidentally, Britain, France, and Austria are all established empires that have personally participated in and led the formulation of these rules. The current rules themselves represent Austria’s interests.

With the main strategy in place, Franz need not worry about the specifics of negotiations. What can be gained will only be known after negotiations take place.

Just like British diplomacy, those who are unaware might think that the British have devised a series of plans, with the Foreign Office carrying out diplomatic work according to a pre-established agenda.

However, from what Franz knows, there is no such thing as a long-term diplomatic plan in British foreign policy. The core principle guiding their diplomatic efforts is national interest.

Specific plans are formulated based on actual circumstances and are created on the fly. Detailed advance planning does not apply to diplomacy.

International diplomacy is ever-changing. Today’s enemy might become tomorrow’s friend. If one cannot even determine friend from foe, how can one ensure that other countries will follow your plans?

Any successful diplomatic power will flexibly adjust its foreign policy around international interests rather than mechanically adhering to a set plan.

Franz sees this clearly. Twenty years ago, Austria’s most important diplomatic policy was the Austro-Russian alliance, but now it has transformed into an alliance among Britain, France, and Austria.

…

Coordinating international relations and easing conflicts among major colonial empires, as well as addressing the distribution of remaining colonies, is clearly not something that can be accomplished overnight so this negotiation is bound to be a prolonged affair.

In Jerusalem, the conference among European nations to mediate the Ottoman-Persian conflict has already begun. Prior to the meeting, the Ottomans and Persians had exchanged fire multiple times along their borders.

However, both sides are exercising caution and restraint, with high-level officials in both countries suppressing the conflict.

Overall, both sides have seen victories and losses, with Persia suffering slightly more. This outcome greatly disappoints Franz, who had initially intended to support Persia to create trouble for the British. Now he must reluctantly abandon that idea.

If they cannot achieve overwhelming advantages even against the weakened Ottoman army, then such a pawn isn’t worth investing in.

It would be more practical to support Afghanistan, which, though it can only serve as a minor piece on the board, has already advanced forward. Its size may be small, but its combat effectiveness remains reliable.

With support from Russia and Austria, Afghanistan has trained a new army in recent years. Unfortunately, Afghanistan is too poor. Constrained by finances, it has only managed to train three undermanned infantry divisions.

This is already a result of the Afghan government’s militaristic approach and its partnership with Austrian funding. Otherwise, they would not even be able to maintain a single modern infantry division.

In contrast, Persia’s situation is much better. Even though it has declined, its resources far exceed those of Afghanistan.

If the government is strong enough, training a modern army of 100,000 or 200,000 soldiers is not difficult. With such a military presence, it would be sufficient to deter British ambitions.

Overall, feudal agricultural states are not suited for the age of firearms. Their meager financial revenues determine their upper limits of power.

From the very beginning, the Jerusalem conference found itself in a predicament, as everyone understood that no results could be achieved here.

Whether it is the Ottomans or the Persians, both have great powers backing them. As long as the major players behind the scenes continue to bicker, they can only hold on and wait.

Unfortunately, the British, French, and Austrians are still embroiled in their disputes, so no outcomes can be expected at the negotiation table.

Persia demands reparations from the Ottoman Empire, while the Ottomans require compensation from Persia for pensions. The atmosphere is extremely tense, with representatives from both countries almost ready to duel.

…

At the same time that the Jerusalem conference was in a deadlock, the British fulfilled their promise to the Ottoman Empire, with the first tranche of 3 million pounds in war loans now in place.

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For Grand Vizier Midhat, this was the first piece of good news he had received since taking charge of the Ottoman Empire.

With this money, he could suppress domestic rebellions and restore order within the country. Following that, he could implement social reforms to revive the Ottoman Empire and seek revenge against Austria and Russia for past grievances.

Well, that might be a bit overly ambitious. But it’s understandable for an idealist to have ambitions beyond their means.

An official from the Young Ottomans, Mehadra, reported quietly, “Grand Vizier, in recent days, His Majesty has frequently summoned conservative and religious leaders.

All discussions are conducted in secret, but judging by the expressions on their faces as they leave, it seems they are having a pleasant conversation.

Afterward, these individuals have been unusually low-key, even reducing their daily social interactions.

At the same time, their covert communications have increased, including contacts with several military generals. Our preliminary assessment is that their conspiracy is directed against us.”

The Young Ottomans came to power through a coup and had supported Abdul Hamid II’s ascent to the throne.

However, this Sultan does not seem content. Before his ascension, he was supportive of the Young Ottomans. Otherwise, he would not have been able to take the throne. But after becoming Sultan, the situation changed.

Abdul Hamid II was unwilling to be a puppet sultan. Originally close to the Young Ottomans, he naturally shifted towards the conservatives under the influence of power.

Now that the Young Ottomans held significant power, even though Abdul Hamid II attempted to court the conservatives, he still found himself somewhat powerless.

However, with the resolution of the refugee crisis, circumstances changed. The conservatives shifted all blame onto the government, causing the Young Ottomans’ reputation to plummet.

This gave Abdul Hamid II an opportunity to engage in subtle maneuvers, often making it difficult for the government led by the Young Ottomans to maintain its position.

Naturally, this sparked dissatisfaction among the Young Ottomans, leading to a very strained relationship between the two sides. As a leading figure of the group, Grand Vizier Midhat was not one to sit idly by.

The Ottoman Empire is different from European countries. Every transfer of power is accompanied by bloody violence. In this situation, taking a step back does not lead to a broad horizon but rather a bottomless abyss. It is no surprise that Midhat sent people to monitor the Sultan.

If it were not for the desire to avoid domestic turmoil, Midhat might have already sent someone to eliminate Abdul Hamid II. Having already deposed one sultan, he would not mind doing it again.

Midhat firmly stated, “Notify the cabinet and all ministers that there will be a meeting here tomorrow afternoon to discuss constitutional reform.”

Not being able to depose Abdul Hamid II does not mean that Midhat cannot strike back. Reforming into a constitutional monarchy is the best option.

Currently, most European countries have adopted constitutional monarchies. However, there are many variations of constitutional monarchy. Some countries impose significant restrictions on royal powers, while others merely maintain a nominal monarchy without any real limitations.

Overall, in this era, monarchs still hold real power. No one has fallen so low as to become a mere figurehead. The authority of monarchs is currently at its peak, making them the most powerful individuals in their countries.

This does not prevent Midhat from using constitutional reform to marginalize Abdul Hamid II, as there is no unified standard for constitutional monarchy itself.

For example, in Austria, the constitutional monarchy effectively stipulates the emperor’s pension, preventing him from using treasury funds for personal enjoyment.

In other respects, there are almost no restrictions, and some powers are even enhanced. The so-called constitutional laws were drafted by Franz himself, and the emperor retains the right to amend them at any time.

In contrast, the British constitutional monarchy imposes more restrictions on royal powers. However, overall, the king remains the supreme leader, wielding significant authority over the state.

The most striking example is the Russian constitutional monarchy, which lacks specific legal provisions to limit the tsar’s powers. Many later historians argue that Imperial Russia was a monarchy rather than a constitutional monarchy primarily because there was virtually no legal limitation on the tsar’s authority.

These are minor issues. As long as they fly the flag of constitutional monarchy, it suffices. Although Midhat is an idealist, he is not radical enough to arrogantly seek to abolish the Sultan and directly transition to a republican era.

Implementing a republic in a country like the Ottoman Empire, which is deeply rooted in religious beliefs, would be absurd. It could easily result in religious leaders being elected to power.

Therefore, under the guise of constitutional reform, reducing Abdul Hamid II to a mere figurehead would be sufficient. Going any further could lead to disastrous consequences.