Holy Roman Empire

Chapter 407: Arms Race

With the chaotic situation in Europe, how could Britain be left out? The British government was very disappointed that the Franco-Austrian conflict did not escalate.

However, Prime Minister John Russell was not worried; where there’s one, there’s another. Regardless of the excuses the French may have, the fact remains that they have extended their reach into Austria’s backyard.

The seeds of conflict between the two countries had been sown, which was enough for the British. Instigating opposition between France and Austria, making them counteract each other, was the option most aligned with British interests.

If they actually went to war, it would not be a good thing. Or rather, any war that broke the balance of power in Europe was not something the British government wanted to see.

Especially at a time when the Russian Empire was on the verge of decline, if war were to break out between France and Austria, whichever side emerged victorious would become the new hegemon of the European continent.

Any European hegemon would be Britain’s greatest enemy. No reasons were needed — this had always been England’s national policy.

At 10 Downing Street, Foreign Secretary Raistlin walked into the meeting room with a smile, clearly in a good mood.

John Russell said plainly, “Everyone is here, so let’s begin the meeting. Sir Raistlin, what’s the good news?”

Foreign Secretary Raistlin replied with a smile, “We’ve just received word that the Russian government intends to allow the unification of the Nordic three countries.”

This is something the British government has been wanting to accomplish for the past few years but hasn’t been able to. The unification of the Nordic three countries is definitely not a favorable development for the Russian Empire.

By promoting nationalism among them, the unified Nordic region would inevitably stand opposed to the Russians — who could blame them given their glorious history?

If one were to open history books, vast territories such as Finland and the Baltic Sea region were once theirs, but are now occupied by the Russians. Can the radicals tolerate this?

Of course, the Nordic three countries have a small population and are far from posing a threat to the Russian Empire, but it is still possible to divert some of their attention.

This is also why the British are willing to support them; regardless of how the Nordic region develops, it will not affect Britain’s interests.

Under normal circumstances, the Russians would not allow the unification of the Nordic countries. By doing so now, it indicates that they are on the verge of collapse and are compelled to make compromises.

John Russell asked uncertainly, “Could it be that the Russians want to persuade Sweden and Norway to wage war against the Prussians, to alleviate some of the pressure on the battlefield?”

Foreign Secretary Raistlin replied, “That would be the ideal situation, but the Russian government should be well aware that this is almost impossible.

The Prussian government has already made concessions, pledging to withdraw from the Jutland Peninsula and limiting its territorial demands on Denmark to just two German duchies.

For Sweden, this should be sufficient. If the two German duchies were also incorporated, Denmark’s influence would be too great, and Sweden would not be able to take the lead.

Currently, the Russian government simply wants to appease Sweden. Otherwise, if trouble flares up again in the north, they really won’t be able to hold out. Preliminary assessments suggest that the Russians are currently stretched thin.”

The Russians being stretched thin was the best news. After this wave, the Russians would be unable to cause them trouble for decades to come.

If subsequent plans went smoothly, they might be able to permanently resolve this threat once and for all.

Prime Minister John Russell did not hesitate, immediately making the decision, “Leverage our maximum influence and deliver another fatal blow to the Russians.

Increase support for Prussia, expedite the Ottoman Empire’s entry into the war, and mobilize activity in the Far East as well. If we can get Sweden to stab the Russians too, the plan will be perfect.”

Clearly, John Russell had low expectations for Sweden’s participation in the war. If the Russians continued to oppose the unification of the Nordic three countries, then the likelihood of the Swedes stabbing the Russians while they were unawares was very high.

It was almost impossible now. The Swedish government must consider the feelings of the Danes. Currently, Denmark and the Russians are allies, and their enemy is the Kingdom of Prussia, which determines that Sweden is unlikely to ally with the Prussians.

…

“Since the implementation of the two-power standard, the Royal Navy has faced severe challenges. Currently, our naval budget is seriously insufficient, and we are unable to simultaneously suppress both France and Austria.

Not long ago, the French government allocated an additional 120 million francs for shipbuilding, and the specific shipbuilding plans are not yet clear. Obviously, this is aimed at our two-power standard.

The Austrians have not yet responded, but according to past practices, the Austrian government will allocate funding equivalent to 80-90% of the French shipbuilding budget.

Our shipbuilding budget for this year has already been depleted. To continue maintaining our current advantage, an additional ten million pounds must be allocated,” said the First Lord of the Admiralty, Edward.

In this era, ten million pounds is not equivalent to ten million pounds in later times. There are no more than ten countries in the world whose annual financial revenue exceeds ten million pounds.

Apart from the Royal Navy of Britain, there should be no other entity daring to demand such a large sum of shipbuilding funds all at once.

Indeed, both France and Austria can afford this amount, but these two are also land-power nations, and while developing their navies, they must also consider their armies.

If it weren’t for the British clamoring about the two-power standard, the French government wouldn’t suddenly increase shipbuilding funds, igniting this arms race.

In this era, the total tonnage of the French and Austrian navies is almost equivalent to that of the Royal Navy, with even more ironclad ships than the latter.

Faced with the British clamor, Napoleon III felt insulted, and even Franz in Vienna couldn’t tolerate such provocation.

Oh, this is not just their personal feelings, but rather the common sentiment of the two countries’ populations.

Everyone wants to save face, and radical groups in both countries are clamoring to surpass the Royal Navy. So, be it, let the arms race begin!

Coincidentally, Napoleon III needed to divert the public’s attention so they wouldn’t keep focusing on the issues with the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies.

Napoleon III had the confidence to initiate the arms race. In recent decades, the French economy has accelerated rapidly, with last year’s financial revenue exceeding that of the British by 18 million pounds (including the Kingdom of Sardinia).

Of course, this was just the domestic financial revenue. If colonies were included, the British were still superior, as just the financial revenue from India alone reached 50 million pounds — a testament to British ambition.

However, Napoleon III was not one to back down. He did not intend to let the French Navy surpass the Royal Navy, as long as the combined French and Austrian navies could break the British two-power standard, it was enough.

Behind the provocation, there were also implications for international political status. Once the Royal Navy’s two-power standard was realized, the British would gain absolute dominance in overseas affairs.

This was something France and Austria could not tolerate. As the world’s number two navy, with the arrogant French populace constantly petitioning, Napoleon III had to take the lead.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer Agarwal glared fiercely at Edward, inwardly cursing his relatives.

From his perspective, the Navy Department is like a noble utterly disconnected from the basic living costs faced by ordinary people. The so-called “two-power standard” may sound appealing, but really it’s just seeking thrills for lack of something better to do.

The British financial strength was indeed the world’s strongest, but France and Austria were not weak either, and the gap in strength was not that huge.

Just like the original timeline where the British boasted about a two-power standard, it is now facing challenges, even more severe ones.

Any of the two countries, France or Austria, has the potential to challenge the hegemony of the Royal Navy. If not for the need to develop their armies, the Royal Navy’s maritime dominance would have been unstable long ago.

Agarwal said gloomily, “No, this year’s financial budget has already been allocated. We don’t have this kind of money at the Treasury to suddenly increase the budget by ten million pounds. If you want funds, you’ll have to convince Parliament yourselves!”

Ten million pounds was indeed a large sum, but for the British government, it could actually be squeezed out. Clearly, Agarwal was not prepared to tighten the belt just to raise funds for the navy.

The First Lord of the Admiralty, Edward, said angrily, “The Royal Navy concerns Britain’s fate. If we can’t ensure absolute superiority and let France and Austria catch up, we’ll end up regretting it!”

There aren’t so many reasons. The main purpose behind the Navy’s pursuit of the “two-power standard” is primarily to raise funds. The threat posed by the French and Austrian navies is actually far from significant.

Being colonial empires, all of their naval forces are mostly dispersed across the globe, with the Royal Navy maintaining dominance in various regions. There’s hardly any substantial threat to speak of.

Even if the French and Austrian navies were to join forces, they would likely not pose a significant challenge to the Royal Navy. The issue of effective coordination between the two navies on the battlefield remains unresolved. In the scenario of each nation acting independently, they are simply not a match for the Royal Navy.

Chancellor of the Exchequer Agarwal was not convinced and said, “So you go ask Parliament for the money! The Treasury does not have this budget now. To temporarily increase such a huge budget, Parliament’s approval is required.”

Without the support of the Cabinet, convincing Parliament solely through the Navy Department isn’t as easily achieved. Even if they explain with reason and try to appeal to their emotions, by the time they manage to persuade the gentlemen in Parliament, the French-built warships would have already been in service.

Edward was about to defend the situation when Prime Minister John Russell intervened to stop him. Budget disputes are commonplace, with the Treasury typically having one with each department every year.

Agarwal’s actions weren’t incorrect; they were entirely in accordance with regulations. A temporary increase in the Navy Department’s budget certainly necessitates a visit to Parliament. The Treasury’s unwillingness to take the lead in requesting funds from Parliament was also in accordance with the rules.

“The issue of increasing shipbuilding funds will be submitted to Parliament by the Navy Department, with the deadline set for next Monday. We will support the proposal.

Sir Edward, the Navy Department must be adequately prepared to face the queries from members of Parliament. Any questions?” said John Russell.

This is a necessary process; as long as Parliament agrees to the budget increase, the Treasury can resolve funding issues through loans, issuing bonds, or increasing taxes.

The arms race has only just begun, and the British government hasn’t felt the pressure yet. As it progresses, they won’t be as relaxed.

Sir Edward, the First Lord of the Admiralty, replied, “None!”