Holy Roman Empire

Chapter 349: The Junkers' Machinations

At the Schnbrunn Palace, Franz was still anxiously awaiting the outcome of the American Civil War. As for the controversy surrounding the high expenses of the Central American colonies, he simply didnt pay it any mind.

Where the wool is, there the sheep must be sheared. Without the Central American colonies, Austria would not have been able to profit significantly from the American Civil War. Now, these profits were being spent on the development of the Central American colonies.

Since the Americans were footing the bill, why should he feel distressed?

Obtaining control over Central America and establishing a foothold in Americas backyard was already a significant gain.

While the Panama region was not acquired, Austrias influence had already begun to spread. Franzs goal was simply to delay the opening of the Panama Canal and cause some disruption; actually acquiring territory was not necessarily the objective.

With different perspectives, the way of viewing problems naturally differs. Franzs definition of overseas colonies had always been: a source of raw materials in the current stage, and a future sphere of economic and political influence for Austria.

Actually, the British did quite well in this regard, and the strategic concept of the British Commonwealth was quite successful. The only problem was that the United States and the Soviet Union were too powerful, while Britain was in decline.

Weakness is the original sin; with Britains diminished strength, the British Commonwealth naturally couldnt fulfill its intended role. However, it still retained some economic and political benefits, which can be considered better than nothing.

Austria could completely emulate this model. The unique system of the Holy Roman Empire was naturally prepared for such a situation.

Enfeoffed principalities or autonomous provinces, both considered the interests of all parties while maintaining national unity. As long as the central government was strong enough, this empire would be unbreakable.

Foreign Minister Wessenberg said, Your Majesty, we have just received news that a large-scale rebellion broke out in Russian Poland three days ago.

A rebellion in the Russian Empire could only be considered a trivial matter. Ever since the reforms of Alexander II, such incidents have occurred several times almost every year.

However, if the rebellion is in the Polish region, the situation is different. Since the partition of Poland among Russia, Austria, and Prussia, the Polish question has become a matter of great concern for the three powers.

Poland had once been formidable, but arrogance often leads to downfall. Undoubtedly, Poland became arrogant, treating the German and Russian lands as their hunting grounds.

When Poland was powerful, it didnt matter much. Unfortunately, in the late 18th century, the Kingdom of Poland declined, while its neighbor, Russia, became stronger.

Motivated by hatred and self-interest, the three powers Russia, Prussia, and Austria decided to partition Poland, permanently resolving the issue of this adversary. The once powerful Poland thus met its demise.

As the leading power, Russia seized 62% of the Polish territory, occupying approximately over 460,000 square kilometers; Prussia seized 20%, approximately occupying 141,100 square kilometers; Austria seized 18%, approximately occupying 121,800 square kilometers.

Given its illustrious history, the Polish people naturally could not tolerate being ruled by the three powers. In the 19th century, the Polish independence movement became an important part of European history.

This was when the governing abilities of each nation were put to the test. Undoubtedly, after decades of Germanization efforts by the Prussians, and Austria also pursuing ethnic integration, Russia, which had done nothing, became the primary target.

Having obtained the most land and population in Poland without digesting it, coupled with the corrupt rule of the Russian government, Russian-occupied Polish territories became the headquarters of the Polish independence movement.

However, rebellion was also contagious. Although Austrian Poland had remained stable, close monitoring was still necessary.

Franz asked, Are there any foreign powers involved?

No European power wants to see the success of reforms by the Russian government, and Austria is no exception. A decaying Russian Empire serves the interests of all parties.

The most typical example was when the Russian government was raising funds for reforms from abroad, it faced obstruction in the capital markets. Besides the Russian governments poor credit, the political stances of various nations were also an important factor.

With the existence of the Russo-Austrian alliance, Austria would not directly stab Russia in the back, but other European countries might, especially Russias archenemy, John Bull.

Foreign Minister Wessenberg replied, Yes, and more than just one nation. According to our intelligence, we can preliminarily determine that both Britain and France have funded the Polish independence movement, and the Prussian government has also provided them assistance.

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Additionally, multiple other European countries have covertly provided conveniences to the Polish independence movement.

Recently, the Polish independence organization has been very active, seeking diplomatic support everywhere. There have even been sightings of them within our borders, with the anti-Russian faction providing them cover.

Franz rubbed his forehead. Indeed, it was so. One cannot help but admire the Russians ability to sow hatred. Even with the Russo-Austrian alliance in place, the anti-Russian sentiment within Austria remains strong.

It could be said that if he were to change his pro-Russian foreign policy stance today, the anti-Russian faction could become mainstream in Austria tomorrow.

This is Russias own fault. Since the Russo-Austrian alliance was signed, they have often acted as the boss, naturally causing dissatisfaction among many. Especially as Austria grew stronger, the voices of discontent grew louder.

Franz pretended to be oblivious, knowing well that the Russo-Austrian alliance couldnt be torn apart now. Likewise, he wouldnt foster any so-called pro-Russian faction.

Needless to say, Franz knew that among the multiple European countries covertly supporting the Polish independence movement, Austria was also included. As long as it did not openly undermine the Russo-Austrian alliance, Franz encouraged everyone to exercise their subjective initiative.

Were it not for concerns that an emboldened Polish independence organization could threaten the security of Austrian Poland, the Austrian governments supporters of Polish independence would likely be even more numerous.

Franz pondered and said, Warn the domestic anti-Russian faction to restrain themselves and not give the Russians any excuse. Even if we must undermine the Russians, its best to arrange some proxies we cannot get directly implicated.

Yes, Your Majesty, Wessenberg replied.

He was the one who least wished to cause trouble. Once a diplomatic conflict erupted, he as the Foreign Minister would be the one responsible for cleaning up the mess.

In Berlin, Roon, who served as both the Minister of War and the Minister of the Navy, had been feeling restless lately. Ever since he learned about the Junkers plot to instigate Polish independence, he had been extremely uneasy.

Since the onset of the revolutions, the anti-Russian faction within the Kingdom of Prussia had gained the upper hand. The plan for Polish independence had been proposed at that time, with the main objective being to create conditions for the unification of Germany under Prussian rule.

However, it was suppressed by Frederick William IV and the plan was indefinitely shelved. This delay led to a change in the European situation, and with Austrias revival, the opportunity for Prussian unification of Germany went up in smoke.

To change the passive stance in diplomacy, there were voices within the Prussian government advocating for improved Russo-Prussian relations, among whom Bismarck was one of the leaders.

Unfortunately, Bismarck was assassinated in St. Petersburg, and the Russian government brushed it off, conveniently blaming the Polish independence organization, sparking another wave of anti-Russian sentiment.

Of course, these reasons were insufficient for the Junker nobles to provoke the fearsome Russians. The outwardly strong but inwardly rotten Russian Empire was still frightening at least Prussia could not afford to provoke them.

The main reason that prompted them to make this decision was the opening up of colonies in Indochina. Although they only occupied the Kingdom of Cambodia, it still brought considerable benefits to the Prussian government.

At this time, there was a division within the Junker aristocracy. A faction, consisting of those nobles who had gained substantial returns from overseas colonial activities, stood together with the capitalists, advocating for increased investment in the navy.

This pro-overseas colonization faction of the Junker nobles was mostly capitalist Junker nobles, also known as the Maritime Junkers.

The other faction was the traditional Junker nobility, or Continental Junkers. They were concerned that if the strategic focus shifted to the oceans, their dominant position in the military would cease to exist.

After all, army officer positions were almost monopolized by the Junker nobles. From a young age, Junker nobles received specialized military training. In terms of professional competence, even with fair competition, it was not something civilian officers from ordinary backgrounds could compare to.

But it was different at sea. Although the current navy directly transferred from the army still had Junker nobles in dominant positions, in practice they found that excellent army officers did not necessarily make excellent naval officers. Many army officers who entered the navy were unable to perform their duties satisfactorily.

The Germans rigid characteristic came into play if they couldnt handle it, they were told to leave. Without waiting for others to act, they themselves drove these unqualified officers out of the Navy and back into the Army.

As some left, others naturally rose to take their place, and the number of civilian officers in the navy increased day by day. Once the navy became the focus of the Kingdom of Prussia, it became difficult to maintain their dominance over the military.

For their own interests, the Continental Junkers had no choice but to undermine the navys development. The navy could be allowed to develop, but their control over the military must be guaranteed.

Simply put, they wanted to slow down the navys development pace until they had cultivated the next generation into qualified naval officers.

This bizarre idea found considerable popularity among the Junker nobility. In their view, a few years of delay wouldnt make much difference in the grand scheme of things.

The plot for Polish independence was just the first step. Only by keeping the Russians preoccupied could they seize the opportunity to take Schleswig and Holstein.

This was a win-win opportunity. Seizing the two duchies would not only increase Prussian strength but also weaken the Russians, while conveniently resolving the domestic conflict between the army and navy factions.

Anyway, once the fighting starts on land, military spending will inevitably tilt towards the army, naturally delaying the development of the navy.

After dragging it out for a few years, naval officers from Junker backgrounds will also graduate from school. Allowing these insiders to enter the navy and wield power is the best choice to safeguard their own interests.

The plan seems perfect, but for safety, theyve also sought assistance from Britain and France. Even if the plan fails, Prussias apparent limited involvement would shift any Russian trouble towards Britain and France.

Roon asked, Moltke, do you think this plan has a chance of succeeding?

Chief of the General Staff Moltke replied, Mr. Roon, I cannot answer that question. The Russians have grand ambitions, and the trouble that just one Poland could cause them remains unknown.

While Britain and France have agreed to support the Polish independence movement, nobody knows how much they are willing to invest.

We also need to consider Austrias reaction. If they support the Russians, then the chances of success for the Polish independence movement are even lower.

We cannot wait until Polish independence succeeds before taking action; their odds of success are too low. The best option is to let the Poles tie down the Russians and provide cover for us to seize the two duchies.

As long as we occupy the two duchies before the Russians resolve the Polish issue, we will have established a fait accompli, and the Russian government will have no recourse against us.

This rough plan came from the Prussian General Staff. As a member of the Junker nobles himself, Moltke similarly did not wish to see the decline of the Junkers.

To prevent the bourgeoisie from gaining an advantage, they had to take a strategic risk. If executed well, it might even allow them to swallow the Kingdom of Denmark in one go, fundamentally altering Prussias passive position on the European continent.

It could be said that the French set an example for them, inspiring the ambitions of the Prussians.